Friday, September 19, 2008

CRITIQUE ON PAPER "DRUGS AND THREAT TO NATIONAL SECURITY"

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CRITIQUE ON PAPER "DRUGS AND THREAT TO NATIONAL SECURITY"*

The first critique of this paper is the definition of the title -“The Problem of Drugs and Its Threat to National Security”. We feel that the presenter did not make a clear difference in terms of the drugs problem, whether it is the drug trafficking or drug abuses. As a result, we see the authors have intertwined two subjects that need a total different perspective in their argument. The failure to make a clear distinction between these two subjects has resulted in the analysis of the subject less systematic and conclusive.

Drug trafficking is a transcend border organized crime that produces, transports, imports, manufactures illicit drugs, using any transport for illicit traffic, as well as money laundering from illicit drugs trading posts a threat to national security especially in the territorial integrity. The eradication efforts need bilateral and multilateral cooperation. Whereas drug abuse is the illicit and non-medical use of drug that causes the health problem, shattered families, and weakened the nation by increasing health costs, corruption, lawlessness and crime (Drug Trafficking Act 1984 for England & Wales).

From the theoretical approach, we don’t see the presenter conceptualize the issue of drug as a national security issue concerned. We would like to suggest that the presenter using the concept of “securitization” by Barry Buzan to build up the argument of drug abuse as a national security. According to Buzan, “’Securitization…means to present an issue as urgent and existential, as so important that it should not be exposed to the normal haggling of politics but should be dealt with decisively by top leaders prior to other issues.” (Buzan 1998:29) However, Buzan also pointed out that “security should be seen as negative, as a failure to deal with issues as normal politics”, which reflected that the failure of Malaysian government in tackling with drug trafficking and drug abuses had prompted these issues to become a threat to national security (Ibid). In terms of drug trafficking, we would also like to suggest that the presenter to focus on the national interests of state to defend the national boundaries (Kamarulnizam & Mahmud 1998:157), because drug trafficking is closely related to weapon smuggling and violence in Malaysia’s waters.

We have problem with the presenter’s problem statement. They highlighted the illicit drug trading and drug abuse as one of the major security issues that confronting the government since 1983 and wanted to argue whether “the problems of drug” have threatened the national security. Again, we argue that the level of threats to national security posed by these two problems have a stark difference. As the drug trafficking threat to territorial integrity is more immediate and short term; whereas drug abuses threat is more toward human security in long term.

We disagree with presenter that the drug issue does not post a threat to sovereignty and territorial integrity (Page 9). If the presenter focuses on internal perspective only, the analysis would not be comprehensive. Malaysia is not a drug production country, but drug trafficking and drug abuses are rampant in Malaysia. One of the important reasons is the territorial of Malaysia have been more permeable to trafficking activity. For instance, the cocaine, ecstasy pills legally produced in India had been smuggled into the country via waters and airports by the migrant workers of India that came to Malaysia. (Utusan Malaysia 6 Mac 2006:4). The border in Southern Thailand, Brunei and Kalimantan are sensitive borders that become the focus of illegal immigrant and drug trafficking. Malaysia is a maritime country with a long coastal line with most of the neighbouring countries. The sea area of Malaysia include Malacca Strait, Singapore Strait, Gulf of Thailand, Lombok and Makasar is a strategic area in terms of economics and security in the international commerce system (Ibid:160) Malaysia also become the transit point for heroin and cocaine from Golden Triangle of Burma, Thailand and Laos, as well as Latin America to transfer the drugs to its intended market in U.S., Europe, Australia, China, Taiwan and worldwide. The questions we would like to ask is why the problem of drug trafficking has become so serious? What are the weaknesses of the state in dealing with it, lacking of human resources, facilities or corruption that has become endemic in our policing system?

We observe that the presenter has been overwhelmingly depend on historical events such Vietnam War, Opium War and the Chinese and Indian migrant workers before Independence to argue the case, and failed to link up the current situation that posts the drug issue as a threat to the state. In page 8, the presenter said 34% of U.S. troops in Vietnam were drug addicts had caused their subsequent defeat. However, when comes to deal with the connection of drug abuses in military service of Malaysia, presenter’s argument is merely on assumption that starts with “if they involve” and its possible impact, but fail to give empirical data, evidences or any specific case to prove that drug abuses has indeed threaten the military forces.

At the same time, we also find it quite disturbing that the presenter has tended to blame the “outsiders” for the seriousness of the drug problem in the country. Are we trying to escape from the fact we failed in dealing with the issue by pointing finger to outsiders or foreign influences? We felt that the data used by the presenter are very much out-dated, in which numerous examples cited by the presenter are based on the 1970’s (page 5, 6,7) including the repeating mention of U.S. troops in 1970’s, drug addicts in 1970, to name a few.

We also find out that the presenter has misinterpreted the figures of the attached table. For instance, in page 7, they stated that in 1990, the drug addicts have increased to 152,783 people from 711 in 1970. However, the fact is, 152,783 is the accumulative numbers of new drug addicts that detected by the authorities for the past 20 years started from 1970; it should not be taken as a conclusive number of drug addicts in 1990, given the fact some of them might have been demise, some might been quit the habit throughout the past 20 years. Though in last year, 43,093 people have been arrested under the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952 in last year (Mingguan Malaysia 5 Mac 2006: 17), at the same time, the new addicts also increase to 15,389 ( New Straits Times, March 21, 2005). In fact, we would like to suggest to the presenter to utilize the figures provided by the tables to consolidate their argument. For instance, 72% of the drug addicts found between Jan to Sept 2005 are coming from the age group of 16 to age 39, which is the young generation that will determine the future of the country. The continuous increase of new drug addicts of about 7,000 to 10,000 annually since 1976 to 1990, and even cross over 15,000 in last year has again heightened the critical level of the issue. From 1988 to 2005, a total of 289,763 drug addicts have been detected in Malaysia( New Straits Times, 21 March 2005), the number is astonish as this figure represent more than 1 percent of our total population. The figure itself speaks the urgency of the drug issue that posts as a threat to the human security.

Another conclusion that can be drawn from the table is--- why the numbers of drugs addicts are more concentrated in urban areas such as Penang, Johor, Kuala Lumpur and Sabah. Is urbanization, rapid economic development or location has a significant causal to the seriousness of the issue? However, we do not see any explanation is given to this problem in the paper. According to Deputy Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, the government has to find other ways to combat the drug scourge as placing addicts in rehabilitation centers has not been that successful in curing their addiction, and the harm reduction programme was introduced (New Straits Times, 21 March, 2005). May be it is time that the society should change their mind---the effort to eradicate drug abuses should not and could not be the total responsibility of government. The state-centric approach throughout these years has proven to be ineffective given the numbers of drugs addicts stays all time high. Multilateral mechanisms includes family, schools, private sector, mass media, as well as non-governmental organizations and civil society are so much crucial in tempering the widespread demand and supply of drugs.

We would like to suggest that the presenter also study why is the war on drugs going so badly? The evidence that drug totally disappeared in a lock up in Kajang and until now no one has been held for the responsibility shows that the political will to fight drugs is in question. The fact is we continue to rely on stepped –up versions of a state-centric approach to confront what is an inherently global problem that thrives in the dark corners of the international systems where traditional sovereign control are weak or nonexistent. Drug are produced and trafficked by non-state actors who find borders essentially meaningless. Is that because “the states are so mindful of the sensibilities of their fellow sovereignty when the traffickers need not” that curtail the effort of eradicating drugs trafficking? Drug trafficking has provided money to corrupt officials at every level of government, thereby undermine the legitimacy of political and judicial institutions, (Flynn 2003:169). Besides, Malaysia and the other littoral states of Malacca Strait have been reluctant to cooperate among themselves to make their maritime boundaries effectively permeable for action by other states’ law enforcement forces, could be seen as one of the weaknesses of state actions. Lack of the mutual trust was the reason cited for the law enforcement vessels not allowed to enter foreign territorial seas, thus creates havens for the criminals (Roach 2005: 103; New York Times: 2005).

In conclusion, the whole paper still very much lacking in terms of empirical data to support the argument that drug trafficking and drug abuses pose a threat to national security. The argument could have been supported with the theoretical framework of securitization and human security in exploring the drug issues as a security issue threatening the state, with more findings and academic research.

Bibliografi

Buzan, B. Waever, O. & Wilde, J.D. 1998. Security: A New Framework for Analysis. London: Lynne Rienner Publisher.

Drug Trafficking Act 1984 for England & Wales. (Online) http://www.ukcia.org/pollaw/library ( 4 March 2006)

Kamarulnizam Abdullah & Mahmud Embong. 1998. Kepentingan Strategik di dalam Keselamatan Negara Malaysia .Jurnal Sejarah 6 : 151- 176.

New Straits Times. 2006. 21 March. (Online) http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/ (22 March 2006)

Roach, J.A. 2005. Enhancing Maritime Security in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. Journal of International Affairs 59(1):97

Stephen E.Flynn, 2003. ”The Global Drug Trade Versus the Nation-State,” in ”Maryann Cusimano Love. Beyond Sovereignty: Issues for a Global Agenda.(ed). Belmont:Wadsworth. 167-193.

Snitwongse, K. & Bunbongkarn, S. 2003. New Security Issues and The Impact on ASEAN. 2nd ASEAN Reader. 289- 296.

Snow, D.M. 2004. National Security for a New Era: Globalization and Geopolitics. New York: Pearson Longman.

Sindiket dadah makin berbahaya. 2006. Mingguan Malaysia, 5 Mac: 17.

Dadah dibungkus semula di Malaysia sebelum diedar. 2006. Utusan Malaysia, 6 Mac: 4.



* This piece of paper has been prepared to critique the major paper titled "Drugs and Treat to National Security"which has been writing with another student.

*This critique has been prepared together with Mrs. Ng Boon Hooi.

DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A GLOBAL THREAT : CASE STUDY OF AFGHANISTAN

drug trafficking routes
field of opium in Myanmar



DRUG TRAFFICKING: A GLOBAL THREAT

CASE STUDY: AFGHANISTAN

Introduction

The International scene faces increasing trends in drug problems from production, trafficking and drug abuse. This paper examines the roles of the transnational organized crime in perpetuating the problems and the relationship of drug problem to globalization.

Transnational Organized Crime (TOC)

United Nations Convention on Transnational Organized Crime (2000) :

“Organized criminal group” shall mean a structured group of three or more persons, existing for a period of time and acting in concert with the aim of committing one or more serious crimes or offences established in accordance with this Convention, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit.

“Serious crime” shall mean conduct constituting an offense punishable by a maximum deprivation of liberty of at least four years or a more serious penalty.

“Structured group” shall means a group that is not randomly formed for the immediate commission of an offence and does not need to have formally defined roles for it members, continuity of its membership or a developed structure…. (A)n offence is transnational in nature if: (a) It is committed in more than one state; (b) It is committed in one state but a substantial part of its preparation, planning, direction or control takes place in another state; (c) It is committed in one state but involves an organized criminal group that engages in criminal activities in more than one state; or (d) It is committed in one state but has substantial effects in another state.

US Definition : President Johnson’s Crime Commission (1967)

: ‘Organized crime is a society that seeks to operate outside the control of the American people and their governments. It involves thousands of criminals, working within structures as complex as those of any large cooperation, subject to laws more rigidly enforced then those of legitimate governments. Its actions are not impulsive but rather the result of intricate conspiracies carried on over many years and aimed at gaining control over whole fields of activity in order to amass huge profits…’(President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice, 1967).

Europe’s Definition:

The Commission-Europol (2001) joint report reveals that ‘in order to speak about organized crime’ at least 6 out set of 11 characteristics need to be present including character 1, 3, 5 and 11. The characters are :1) Collaboration of more than two people; 2) Each with own appointed tasks; 3) For a prolonged or indefinite period of time; 4) Using some form of discipline or control; 5) Suspected of the commission of serious criminal offences; 6) Operating an at international level; 7) Using violence or other means suitable for intimidation; 8) Using commercial or businesslike structures; 9) Engaged in money laundering; 10) Exerting influence on politics, the media, public administration, judicial authorities or the economy;11)Determined by the pursuit of profit and/or power (Edwards & Gill 2003:34).

TOC activities

: narcotics trafficking, peoples trafficking, arms trafficking (Cusimano)

: money laundering, toxic waste, drug trafficking, migrant trafficking

(Emilio C. Viano)

Drug Trafficking

Drug trafficking is a “transborder organized crime that produces, transports, imports, manufactures illicit drugs, using any transport for illicit traffic, as well as money laundering from illicit drugs trading” (Drug Trafficking Act 1994 for England & Wales)

Globalization

Globalization is a key actor in the rise of transnational organized crime. The categories of state, economics and institutional structures are useful for capturing the majority of analysis on TOC in the global context. Globalization benefits the capabilities, resources, and strategies that are available to TOC.

State

i. “globalization” is transforming the logic of sovereignty without eliminating the

role of the state” (Saskia Sassen, James Mittelman, James Rosenue)

  1. combined with weak state scenarios, “negative sovereignty” (Robert Jackson)

and “retreat of the state” (Susan Strange), provide theoretical backbone for

analyzing TOC and corruption in the global context.

iii. weakening of state structures, either caused or enhanced through globalization

processes, has created spaces that allowed TOC to flourish. “ interplay of

weakened states, civil society, and TOC, viewing criminal groups as taking

advantage of new technologies and global opportunities to amplify the

weakening of states” (Louise Shelly). “demise of states is a necessary

part of the globalization process because it erodes the bonds of trust

between state and citizenry and provides TOC with the opportunity to

play surrogate for state” (Nikos Passas).

Economy

i. how the “illicit global economy” affects the state and the licit economy,

eg: illicit Colombian economy distorts the licit economy

ii. economic markets shape TOC, taking organizational form based on the

economic context

iii. transnational business strategies of the illicit actors increasingly mirror

those in the licit economy, eg: specialists such as lawyers, accountants,

and transportation experts now work for organized crime they do for the

legitimate economy.

Another sector of globalization – give the benefit to the TOC

: technological and scientific innovations, the speed and ease of communications, instant financial transactions in electronic form, and databanks with massive amounts of information are tightening global interdependence and shortening the time-span of international operations.

: these developments greatly facilitate destabilizing and criminal activities, boost their effectiveness, and make it easier for them to proceed undetected.

: as a result, criminal groups can easily branch out into new forms of criminal, economic, and political activities at the regional, national, and global levels (Viono 1999: xi)

Relations between TOC and globalization

: David Nelken - Internationalisation of organized crime has been ‘in response to technological advancements in communications and transportation; to market adaptations resulting from the internationalisation of investment capital, financial services and banking; to the internationalisation of manufacturing and increased segmentation and fragmentation of production; and, to the increased emphasis on unrestricted trade across borders.’ (Einstein & Amir : 1999: 469).

ARGUMENT: DRUG TRAFFICKING EFFECT THE GLOBAL

SECURITY BECAUSE OF THE ADVANTAGES

FROM THE GLOBALIZATION

Part I – Legal Framework

United Nation :

i. 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs

ii. 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances

iii. 1988 Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic

Substances

– called on party states to take specific law enforcement measures to improve

their ability to identify, arrest, prosecute, and convict those who traffic in

drugs across national boundaries.

- such measures include the establishment of drug-related criminal offences

and sanctions under domestic law, making such offences the basis for

international extradition between party states, and providing fro mutual

legal assistances in the investigation and prosecution of covered offences,

as well as the seizure and confiscation of proceeds from and

instrumentalities used in illicit trafficking activities (Edwards & Gill 2003:19)

iv. 1992 – UN noted that ‘the illegal use of drugs has grown at an alarming rate

over the past twenty years, crossing all social, economic, political and

national boundaries’.

Nov 1994 – UN World Ministerial Conference on Organized Transnational Crime

– recognised the growing threat of organized crime with its ‘ highly destabilizing

and corrupting influence of fundamental social, economic and political

institutions’.

UNs Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali : ‘Organized crime has … become a world phenomenon. In Europe, in Asia, in Africa and in America, the forces of darkness are at work and no society is spared…(T)raditional crime organizations have, in a very short time, succeeded in adapting to the new international context to become veritable crime multinationals. Thus, illegality is gaining inexorably. It is corrupting entire sectors on international activity…the danger is all the more pernicious because organized crime does not always confront the state directly. It becomes enmeshed in the institutional machinery. It infiltrates the State apparatus, so as to gain the indirect complicity of government officials…’ (Ibid:21).

- Dec 2000 – 100 countries signed the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime – the ‘follow on’ of the previous UN conventions against TOC

v. Nov 1994 – UN World Ministerial Conference on Organized Transnational Crime

– recognised the growing threat of organized crime with its ‘ highly

destabilizing and corrupting influence of fundamental social, economic

and political institutions’.

- UNs Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali : ‘Organized crime has …

become a world phenomenon. In Europe, in Asia, in Africa and in

America, the forces of darkness are at work and no society is

spared…(T)raditional crime organizations have, in a very short time,

succeeded in adapting to the new international context to become

veritable crime multinationals. Thus, illegality is gaining inexorably. It is

corrupting entire sectors on international activity…the danger is all the

more pernicious because organized crime does not always confront the

state directly. It becomes enmeshed in the institutional machinery. It

infiltrates the State apparatus, so as to gain the indirect complicity of

government officials…’ (Ibid:21).

Dec 2000 – 100 countries signed the Convention against Transnational Organized

Crime – the ‘follow on’ of the previous UN conventions against TOC

Violation of National Laws

1. United States of America

1952 - The ‘Mafia’ dominated most organized crime in America – Mafia become

coherent and centralized international conspiracy of evil – Mafia also

dominated gambling and drug trafficking in the US = Mafia become a

threat to America’s political, economic, and legal systems, and needed to

be countered by any means necessary (Edwards & Gill 2003: 15).

1960 - President Kennedy: ‘if we do not on national scale of attack organized

crime criminals with weapons and techniques as effective as their own,

they will destroy us’

1969 – President Nixon – warned that Mafia’s influence had ‘deeply penetrated

broad segments of American life’ and announced a series of measures

designed ‘to relentlessly pursue the criminal syndicate’

1970 – Congress supported this line and passed the Organized Crime Control Act.

1983 – Reagan’s Presidential Commission on Organized Crime : emphasized on the

successes against ‘traditional organized crime’ and the need to ‘stay in front’ of

the emerging ‘cartels’. Drug trafficking was identified as the most profitable

organized crime activity and most needed addressing. Mafia mythology was

adapted to a new age, challenged by several crime ‘cartels,’ ‘emerging’

amongst Asian, Latin American and other groups.

- The Commission recommended the “Foreign Assistance’ : ‘Because drug

trafficking and productions are threats to such magnitude to the stability of

existing democracies, a primary goal of the US and its allies should be to

enhance the security of drug producing and transshipment regions.’ – the

implications on domestic and foreign policy responses to organized crime were

clear: a harder line on all fronts at home combined with increasing efforts to

spread the American stand on drug control abroad.

- The recommendations on “Foreign Assistance” has called the ‘

“Americanization” of International Law Enforcement’ – called for international

community’s response to drugs – build the framework of UN Conventions.

Sept 1994 – Washington DC Conference : summarized that ‘the dimensions of global

organized crime present a greater international security challenge than

anything Western democracies had to cope with during the Cold War.

Worldwide alliances are being forged in every criminal field from money

laundering and currency counterfeiting to trafficking in drugs and nuclear

materials. Global organized crime is the world’s fastest growing business,

with profits estimated at $1 trillion.

2. Europe’s

1980s the notion of threat from organized crime was almost exclusively viewed

as synonymous with an external threat from drug cartels – the period

when the impact of globalization was first seriously understood as a

phenomenon that brought different policy challenges.

1985 the Single Act revising the Treaty of Rome – setting a timetable for the

prospective abolition of internal border controls on January 1993 –

following with the White Paper on the completion of the Single Market (on

external borders), Schengen Information System and Supplement d’

Information Requis a l’entrĂ©e Nationale (registration and surveillance

databases)

1992 - The Treaty on European Union (TEU) – covered police co-operation ‘for the

purposes of preventing and combating terrorism, unlawful drug trafficking

and other serious forms of international crime’ – followed with 1993

Ministerial Agreement to set up the Europol Drugs Unit (EDU)

1994 - Joint Action to extend the EDU task – adding illicit trafficking in radioactive

and nuclear substances, crimes involving clandestine immigration networks

and illicit vehicle trafficking.

1996 - Dublin European Council established a ‘High Level Group on Organized

Crime’

1997 - the Group submitted an ‘Action Plan to combat organized crime’, contained

15 ‘political guidelines’ and 30 specific recommendations of work plan

ranging from prevention, legal instruments for combating organized crime,

practical co-operation between police, judicial authorities and customs, the

scope of Europol’s remit and combating of money laundering and

confiscation of the profits of crime.

2001 – The Commission-Europol joint report reveals that ‘in order to speak about

organized crime’ at least 6 out set of 11 characteristics need to be present

including character 1, 3, 5 and 11. The characters are :1) Collaboration of

more than two people; 2) Each with own appointed tasks; 3) For a

prolonged or indefinite period of time; 4) Using some form of discipline or

control; 5) Suspected of the commission of serious criminal offences; 6)

Operating an at international level; 7) Using violence or other means

suitable for intimidation; 8) Using commercial or businesslike structures; 9)

Engaged in money laundering; 10) Exerting influence on politics, the

media, public administration, judicial authorities or the economy;

11)Determined by the pursuit of profit and/or power (Edwards & Gill

2003:34).

Part II – Global Trends in illicit drugs production, trafficking and consumption (World Drug Report. 1997)

Global Background

* The Illicit drug phenomenon cannot be viewed outside the context of contemporary economic, social, and political developments.

- Changes in the world political economy and advances in technology over the past four decades have had a significant impact on the scope and nature of the illicit drug problem. - It is now recognized that rapid growth in the trade of goods and services has resulted in a more interdependent world.

- Yet despite the positive implications which the increase in world trade has for the prosperity and efficiency, sustained growth in international trade can complicate efforts to control the illicit drug problem.

* Criminal organizations involved in illicit drugs respond to opportunities created

by a globalizing market economy.

- The past two decades has seen great strides in banking deregulation and the

privatization of state owned business; however, much of this distancing of

official intervention from the day to day workings of the economy has taken

place in countries where the regulatory environment is still in an embryonic

state.

- The inadequacy of regulations leaves these economic systems vulnerable to

criminal exploitation.

* Political events, in domestic instability and conflict, are also an important

factor.

- The collapse of state structures in many countries has left an institutional

vacuum which has been exploited by drug trafficking organizations.

- The rise in drug abuse in such countries has proven extremely difficult to

contained because of fragmented and unprepared medical and health

authorities.

- In situations of armed conflict, illicit drug revenues – or the drugs

themselves – are regularly exchanged for arms.

* The scope for profit-making in the illicit drug trade is rapidly expanding.

- The relationship between illicit drugs and economic development, is far more

important than generally recognized: while it is widely accepted that illicit

cultivation occurs in many developing countries, the effects of the illegal trade on

local communities is all too assumed to be cost-free.

- In fact the spillover of production into abuse has a negative impact on the local

workforce.

- Illicit sector income is evenly distributed; at the lower level of the production chain

it barely exceeds income is generated further downstream, ending up in the hands

of the traffickers who control exports to, and distribution in, the country of

consumption.

II. I – Illicit Drug Production

* The countries with the largest cultivation areas relative to arable land are

depicted in Fig.1. In addition to the cultivation of cannabis, the plants used in the

illicit production of cocaine and heroin are coca leaf and opium poppy.

* Fig.2. shows global trends in the production of opium poppy and coca leaf. It can

be seen the production of coca leaf has more than doubled and that opium

poppy has more than tripled since 1985.

(Fig .1 and Fig. 2 cannot be published due to technical problems, im sorry L )

- Global hectarage devoted to illicit opium poppy cultivation expanded to about

280,000 hectares by 1996. Almost 90% of the world’s illicitly produced opiates

originate in the two main production areas – the Golden Crescent (Afghanistan, Iran,

Pakistan) and the Golden Triangle (Loas, Myanmar, Thailand).

- Afghanistan and Myanmar are the two main countries of illicit opium poppy

cultivation; to a much lesser extent illicit cultivation takes place in Columbia, Loas,

Vietnam, Pakistan, Mexico, India, Thailand, China, and the Middle East.

- Emerging and potentially important producers include the countries of Central Asia.

* The illicit production of opium gum was thought to have reached 5,000 tonnes in

1996.

- about a third of the total is believed to be consumed as opium.

- the remainder is converted into heroin in illicit laboratories. More than 300 tonnes of

heroin are thought to have been produced annually in the 1990’s, mostly for export.

* Most of the world’s coca is grown in the Andean countries – Peru, Colombia, and

Bolivia, which together account for more than 98% of world cocaine supplies.

- Half the global cultivation of 220,000 (1996) hectares takes place in Peru, while

Bolivia and Columbia each account for nearly one quarter of the total.

- Estimates of the global illicit production of coca leaves suggest a doubling of

production over the 1985 to 1994 period, although production seems to be down

from the 1991/1992 peak level.

- About 1,000 tonnes of cocaine could have been manufactured from the 300,000

tonnes of coca leaf produced in 1996.

* Fig. 3 – 5 show regional trends in cultivation and trafficking between 1985 and 1995.

- The Maps detail the patterns of cultivation in South West Asia, Southeast Asia, and

Latin America. It is clear that during the past decade, illicit drug production and

trafficking have spread to new geographical areas.

- The trends is likely to continue, with illicit drug production expanding in places

where law enforcement poses the least threat.

II. II : Drug Seizures

* Seizures of drugs by law enforcement agencies are one of the main indicators used

to assess the level of illicit drug trafficking.

- Data on seizures should be interpreted with caution, since the evidence they provide

is only an indirect measure of drug trafficking. However, once such data are

corroborated by cultivation, price, and demand estimates, they can provide

important insight into the actual trends in illicit drug production and trafficking.

* Throughout the past two decades, seizures of most major drugs have risen (See

Fig.7)

- In terms of volume, the most heavily trafficked drug in the world is cannabis.

- In 1995, 3,000 tonnes of herbal cannabis and 1,000 tonnes of cannabis resin were

seized globally.

- Worldwide cocaine seizures amounted to 251 tonnes in the same year. Global heroin

and morphine seizures amounted to 31 tonnes and 13 tonnes respectively in 1995.

- The figures also show the share of each region as a proportion of global drug

seizures.

* Worldwide trafficking patterns very widely according to the type of drug. Fig.8 – 11 illustrate the geographic reach of illicit drug trafficking for various drugs. What these figures do not capture is the relationship between the different regions of the global drug trafficking network. In this regard, Fig. 12- 13 provides useful insight. Some trafficking routes are complex, involving many different transit countries, forms of transport and concealment.

* The complexity of the routes reflects not only climatic constraints but also criminal efforts to evade law enforcement authorities. Heroin is manufactured primarily in the opium-producing regions before export to other continents.

- Within the Golden Crescent and Golden Triangle, opium is trafficked to clandestine

manufacturing sites located where the risks of detection are perceived to be low.

This reduces the risks and costs of trafficking, since heroin is of higher value per unit

weight than opium.

- Using various routes which traverse Europe and Asia, and the Atlantic and Pacific

Oceans, criminal groups operating in South-West Asia supply the bulk of the

European heroin market.

- While those operating out of Southeast Asia supply the market in North America.

- Global seizures of opium are believed to account for a mere 10 - 15% of the total

destined for the production of heroin.

* The growth in international trade and transportation have also made the interdiction

of illicit drugs difficult.

- Free trade agreements in different parts of the world, designed to increase trade and

reduce border regulation, are also likely to have inadvertently provided opportunities

for illicit drug trafficking. - As it is not desirable to turn back the tide of free trade, it

will be increasingly important to increase efforts to reconcile two seemingly

contradictory aims, namely, trade liberalization and the effective control of illicit drug

traffic.

- Only the ATS (amphetamine-type stimulants) seem to fall outside this clash, for the

global availability of the necessary precursors allows production and consumption to

take place in close proximity to one another, pre-empting the need for long

trafficking distances.

II.III – Demand for Illicit Drugs

* In recent years, illicit drug consumption has increased throughout the world. Various indicators – emergency room visits, substance abuse related mortality cases, arrests of drug abusers, number of countries reporting rising consumption levels – make clear that consumption has become a truly global phenomenon.

- Of the plant-based drugs, the illicit consumption of cannabis products – marijuana

and hashish – is most widespread.

- Less prevalent, but with far more serious health-related effects, is the abuse of

heroin and cocaine.

- The most rapid rise in abuse in recent years has been of synthetic drugs,

particularly of ATS (amphetamine-type stimulants).

* It should be emphasized that authorities in many countries still have only a vogue conception of the extent of local drug abuse.

- AS research in several countries has shown, there are significant differences between ‘life-time’, ‘annual’ and ‘daily’ abuse prevalence rates, as well as among the prevalence rates of the various socio-economic sub-groups and the general population.

- UNDCP estimates, the annual global prevalence rate of illicit drug consumption is likely to be in the ranger of 3.3% to 4.1% of the total population.

- The most widely abused drug is cannabis, which is consume by about 2.5% of the world population. This equals about 140 million people worldwide (based on information provided by UNDCP, WHO, the US Drug Enforcement Agency and US Department of State).

* From a health perspective, the most serious drug of abuse is heroin.

- In most countries, heroin is the leading drug responsible for substance abuse.

- In terms of geographical spread, heroin is also among the leading substances,

with abuse of heroin found in almost all countries.

- Statistics suggest that about 8 million people – or 0.14% of the global

population – take this substance (‘annual prevalence’).

- Abuse of heroin in North, Central and South America as well as in Africa seems

to be below average, whereas heroin abuse in Asia, Europe and Oceania is

above the global average.

- The abuse of cocaine is more widespread in terms of the total number of

consumers.

- Statistics suggest that at least 13 million people (0.23% of the global

population) abuse cocaine (annual prevalence).

- Cocaine abuse is still strongly concentrated in the North America.

- In recent years, the most pronounced increase in drug abuse has been reported

for synthetic drugs (includes the abuse of ATS). Some 30 million people (0.5%

of global population) consume ATS worldwide.

- Methamphetamine – highly abused in North America, followed by Far-East and

Southeast Asia.

PART III: STUDY CASE : AFGHANISTAN

( UN Office on Drugs & Crime. 2003)

III.I – Afghanistan’s illicit opium economy: size and shape

Production and Trafficking

Afghanistan’s opium production (3400 tons in 2002) increased more than

15-fold since 1979;

From 1996 to 1999, under the Taliban, production doubled and peaked

at over 4600 tons;

In 2002, opium was cultivated by several ethnic groups in the south

(Helmand). East (Nangarhar) and north (Badakshan);

Cross-border ethnic and tribal links facilitate trafficking by several ethnic

groups;

Over three-quarters of the heroin sold in Europe, and virtually all of it in

Russia, are originates in Afghanistan.

Trade and Incomes

The opium trade was de-facto legal in Afghanistan before and throughout the

Taliban period;

In January 2002, the Karzai Administration banned it;

Opium market in southern Afghanistan were fragmented and competitive, while in

the east and north they were oligopolistic (the power is on other hand). Price

levels and structures varied accordingly, but they are now coverging;

Opium farmgate prices increased almost 10-fold ($300 per kg) at harvest time in

2001 compared to a year earlier as a consequence of the Taliban opium ban, and

some 20-fold ($700 kg) prior to September 11. Despite a good harvest in 2002 –

opium prices still amounted to around $350 at harvest time in 2002, and were

about $540 at the end of the year;

Over the 1994-2000 period, gross income from opium was about $150

million/year ($750/family). In 2001, following the Taliban ban, prices increased

10-fold. In 2002, gross income rose to $1.2 billion ($6,500/family). Part of the

income is shared with traders and/or taxed by warlords;

Income from opium and heroin trafficking into neighbouring countries amounted

to at least $720 million in 2000, It may have doubled in 2002;

These are extraordinary revenues in a country where the average wage does not

exceeded $2 per day.

Drug Abuse

· Drug abuse in Afghanistan has increased strongly in the last few years, due to prolonged human deprivation and suffering, the breakdown of traditional social controls, the return of refugees who developed a drug problem in refugee camps, and the almost unlimited availability of opiates within Afghanistan;

* The war wounded also become addicted as consequence of primitive first aid and large-scale use of opium, morphine, and heroin as painkillers;

Drug abuse in Afghanistan is still low compared to neighbouring countries (Iran, Pakistan, and Central Asia).

III.II – Origins

Historical roots of the opium economy

The opium economy developed in Afghanistan because of :

* lack of effective government administration until the recent past;

* degradation of agriculture and most economic infrastructure due to

twenty years of war;

* a war economy and related black marketeering.

Through the 1980s and 1990s several competing factions financed their war efforts with opium revenue. Since most of the opium producing provinces came under Taliban control after 1996, the Taliban reaped the largest gains from the opium economy.

The Taliban cultivation ban increased prices in 2001 and revalued stocks by a factor of 10, more liquidity in the hands of traders thus created further incentives for the opium economy.

Poverty, devastation and farmers’ motivation

Afghan farmers grew opium poppy because:

*The opium trade was de-facto legal until President Karzai’s ban in January 2002;

*Opium poppy is a profitable crop, produced with cheap labor (women, children and refugees);

*Inputs of opium poppy are abundant, including suitable land, water and know-how from itinerant (mobile) labor;

*Opium became a form of saving, a source of liquidity and a collateral for credit;

*Opium is insurance against poverty and hunger: farmers sell future crops to narco-usurers (money lenders) for subsistence;

*Opium requires no marketing or storage, as it can be sold easily to spot markets

Bazaars, finance and narco-usures (money lenders)

Opium has become an “economic narcotic” for whole segments of Afghan society:

* as a commodity, it is an income generator;

* as a source of liquidity, it is means of exchange;

* as a payment mechanism, it is a way to store value and fund transactions.

* Opium traders frequently act as narco-usurers (money lenders) because:

* opium serves as means of salaam (informal advance payments);

* the have capital to assist farmers. They regenerate cash-flows via rapid

turnover trade (low profit); or via shipments to border regions (medium

profit); or by smuggling opiates across borders (high profit). Risks

very accordingly.

Greed (greediness), warlods and opium trafficking

Opium is an ideal commodity for marketing, trade and speculation:

* it is compact to transport and durable to store, with high intrinsic value

($350- 400/kg). At present, only a few licit agricultural commodities,

such as truffles type of mushroom) ($800/kg) are more expensive on

international markets;

* given high risk of interdiction at the borders with neighbouring

countries, high profits (five-fold increase of price) are generated by

trafficking;

* it is a commodity suitable for trafficking, especially in the provinces

controlled by warlords who levy a tax in exchange for protection.

In some regions, traffickers gain respect from the local community when

they recycle part of their income for the benefit of poor villages.

There is a clears nexus between drug trafficking and warlordism

The re-emergence of drug cultivation and the recrudescence (overturn) of

violence in certain provinces are well-known phenomena.

III.III- Regional Consequences

Devastation in neighbouring countries

Trafficking

*More than 60% of global opiate seizures take place in the few countries neighbouring Afghanistan;

*Most seizures are made by Iran, followed by Pakistan and Tajikistan.

Mega-incomes and economic vulnerably

*Opiate trafficking profits in the countries neighbouring Afghanistan amount to some $4 billion in 2002, equivalent to 2% of GDP;

*Most profits are made in Central Asia, followed by Iran and Pakistan;

*Economic growth in countries neighbouring Afghanistan was below the global average.

Abuse

*Countries neighbouring Afghanistan suffer from rising levels of abuse;

*The strongest rise, in recent years, was in the countries of Central Asia, which were also affected by the strongest increases in drug trafficking.

HIV/AIDS

*HIV/ AIDS is increasing in all countries neighbouring Afghanistan, notably in the countries of Central Asia;

*Central Asia has one of the highest rates of IDU related HIV/AIDS infections in the world.

The Way Forward

The problems can be solved by:

*alternate crops, seeds, fertilizers and equipment for opium farmers;

*alternative sources of income for land-less labour and returning refugees

*jobs for women and schooling fro children, especially girls;

*macro-economic structures within which commodity markets (including presently unregulated bazaars) can grow free from the perverse incentives provided by opium and other forms of contraband;

*informal financial structures able to extend harvest-based collateralized loans (even micro-credits) to farmers and returning refugees, so as to bankrupt the narco-usurers at their game;

*effective law enforcement against opium markets within the country to combat the perverse economic and political impact of warlordism, and against the international trafficking of opiates.

Thursday, September 18, 2008

ADAKAH SEKTOR EKONOMI BERSAMA ATAU BERASINGAN DALAM PEMBENTUKAN DASAR LUAR DAN DASAR PERTAHANAN SESEBUAH NEGARA

Parlimen Malaysia
Sumber: flickr.com
Buku terbaru tentang Dasar Pertahanan Malaysia
Sumber: Amazon.com


ADAKAH SEKTOR EKONOMI BERSAMA ATAU BERASINGAN DALAM PEMBENTUKAN DASAR LUAR DAN DASAR PERTAHANAN SESEBUAH NEGARA?

PENGENALAN

Sektor ekonomi sesebuah negara memainkan peranan penting dalam membentuk atau menentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar sesebuah negara. Ini adalah kerana kemampuan (capacity) dan keupayaan (capability) yang boleh dimainkan oleh sektor ekonomi itu sendiri sama ada dari segi sumbangan kualitatif dan kuantitatifnya terhadap pembentukan kedua-dua dasar di atas. Kemampuan dan keupayaan sektor ekonomi ini meresap masuk ke dalam sektor keselamatan, ketenteraan, sosial dan politik yang seterusnya membuktikan kepentingan sektor ekonomi sebagai sektor paling penting dalam sesebuah negara. Sektor ini tidak dapat dijelaskan secara berasingan dalam pembentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negara kerana saling kebergantungan sektor ini dengan sektor-sektor lain sama ada di peringkat dalam atau luar negara.

Oleh itu, esei ini akan melihat kepentingan sektor ekonomi yang meresapi sektor lain seperti keselamatan, ketenteraan, sosial dan politik, terutama sumbangannya terhadap pembentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negeri sesebuah negara. Beberapa contoh aplikasi oleh beberapa negara akan diberikan sebagai kajian kes subjek yang dibincangkan.

PERANAN SEKTOR EKONOMI KEATAS KESELAMATAN DAN KETENTERAAN

Kecuali Costa Rica dan Iceland, kebanyakan negara memperuntukkan belanjawan antara 1% -30% daripada keseluruhan Keluaran Dalam Negara Kasar (KDNK) untuk tujuan

pembangunan senjata demi mengekalkan keselamatan dalam dan luaran sesebuah negara. Perbelanjaan ini juga digunakan untuk tujuan cegah rintang atau menangani jenayah, pemberontakan, pemisahan, revolusi dan kudeta. Kerajaan juga mengekalkan pasukan tentera untuk menangani keadaan kini dan masa depan sama ada dengan actor negara atau bukan negara. Malaysia misalnya daripada era selepas merdeka sehingga 2001 telah memperuntukkan sehingga 3% dari KDNKnya untuk tujuan pengawalan dan pengekalan keselamatan negara. Pada awal era kemerdekaannya, Malaysia tidak memerlukan perbelanjaan ketenteraan yang besar kerana mendapat bantuan pengawalan keselamatan dari kerajaan koloni British.

Secara umumnya, bentuk-bentuk ancaman berbentuk ancaman langsung kepada kehidupan rakyat dan aktiviti-aktiviti mereka, mengancam integriti sempadan, mengancam “cara hidup” sesebuah negara, atau mengancam kebebasan dan kemerdekaan negara dan institusinya (Holsti 1995: 85). Seringkali fenomena yang dapat dilihat ialah aktor negara akan membelanjakan jumlah wang yang banyak terhadap peruntukan pertahanan sewaktu negara menghadapi sesuatu ancaman keselamatan sama ada dalaman atau luaran. Russia misalnya, serentak dengan peningkatan ekonominya pada tahun 1999 telah membelanjakan sebanyak US$ 22.4 billion berbanding dengan US$ 18.1 billion pada tahun sebelumnya. Antara sebab utama peningkatan ini ialah peperangan di Chechnya (Grare 2004: 50).

Dua keadaan ini menunjukkan bagaimana ekonomi memainkan peranan penting dalam membentuk dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar di peringkat domestik. Berikutnya pula ialah keadaan di mana sektor ekonomi memainkan peranan penting terhadap pembentukan dasar pertahanan dan luar negara di luar negeri.

Asas-asas pembentukan kedua-dua dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negeri adalah bergantung kepada bentuk-bentuk ancaman, terutama ancaman ketenteraan. Barry Buzan membuat pembahagian yang penting antara threats (ancaman) and vulnerabilities (kerapuhan). Kerapuhan banyak disumbangkan oleh faktor geografi seperti laluan pergunungan, laluan air yang sempit, koridor pengangkutan utama dan sebagainya (Holsti 1995:85). Salah satu cara mengurangkan kerapuhan ini atau menghapuskan ancaman adalah dengan meningkatkan kekuasaan ketenteraan, bukan hanya untuk meningkat keupayaan sendiri tetapi juga sebagai bantuan kepada negara-negara lain (Ibid). Apabila dua atau lebih pihak berkongsi ancaman keselamatan yang dipersepsikan sama, mereka akan terlibat dengan pelbagai kerjasama ketenteraan seperti nasihat teknikal, jaminan senjata, pertukaran maklumat sehingga kepada satu bentuk kerjasama yang lebih kukuh iaitu kesatuan rasmi (formal alliance)(Ibid).

Terdapat banyak bentuk kesatuan. Kesatuan ketenteraan lazimnya bersifat casus foderis (merealisasikan operasi); komitmen dipertanggungjawabkan kepada anggota kesatuan; anggota kesatuan menyumbangkan pasukan tentera untuk integrasi ketenteraan dalam kesatuan; serta operasi ketenteraan kesatuan dalam lingkungan geografi tertentu. Peruntukan ekonomi yang besar dalam sebuah kesatuan ketenteraan misalnya dapat dilihat dalam kesatuan North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Pada tahun 2002 misalnya, perbelanjaan awam NATO berjumlah Euro 124.7 million yang disumbangkan oleh kementerian luar negeri negara-negara anggota, manakala perbelanjaan ketenteraan berjumlah Euro 746 million adalah sumbangan kementerian pertahanan negara-negara anggota (www.Stimson.org). Jumlah sumbangan setiap negara anggota adalah berbeza berdasarkan GDP negara masing-masing, serta ia adalah hasil proses tawar-menawar politik (political bargaining process). Untuk projek NATO Security and Investment Programme (NSIP) misalnya, diambilkira juga “kemampuan untuk membayar” bersama-sama dengan factor lain seperti potensi keuntungan projek tersebut di negara masing-masing, dan sumbangan mereka terhadap keselamatan NATO. Seperti semua keputusan dalam NATO, peratusan sumbangan kepada belanjawan NATO mestilah dipersetujui sebulat suara oleh negara anggota (Ibid).

Dalam konteks Eropah, Maastricth Treaty menyediakan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar secara bersama. European Union (EU) menggunapakai Western European Union (WEU) iaitu penyusunan pertahanan sejak Brussels Pact pada tahun 1948 yang sekarang termasuk keanggotaan EU (Henderson 1998: 287). Walaupun kurang disenangi oleh Amerika Syarikat, EU mendakwa WEU akan memperkuatkan peranan Eropah dalam NATO. Tentera WEU boleh membesar sehingga 50,000 anggota dengan asasnya dibina oleh brigade French-German. Pasukan ”Eurocops” ini akan ditempatkan di Strassbourg, France dan akan dipanggil bertugas dengan NATO semasa diperlukan (Ibid).

Pencapaian EU dan sebab terbesar penyatuan dasar luar adalah perlindungan kepentingannya dalam lingkungan GATT. Kepentingan ekonomi yang lain adalah memperhatikan jiran-jiran dalam negara Eropah. Pada zaman EC, EU mengekalkan hubungan dagangan yang sihat dengan European Free Trade Area (EFTA). Pada tahun-tahun 1991 – 1992 selari dengan kemajuan status kesatuan ekonomi, ia mengikat hubungan dagangan dengan EFTA dengan pembentukan European Economic Area. Bagaimanapun, sesetengah anggota EFTA yang bimbangkan julat ekonomi yang besar telah memohon keanggotan dalam EU. Negara-negara EFTA kemudiannya memonopoli 10 peratus populasi negara EU (Ibid). Norway cuba memasuki EU tetapi dibantah rakyatnya kerana mempunyai kekayaan minyak dan perindustrian perikanan termaju. Rakyat Norway percaya ekonomi mereka lebih baik di luar kerangka EU. Kekuatan ekonomi Norway telah memberi Norway menentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negerinya yang tidak bergantung kepada negara lain. Berbeza dengan negara Eropah Timur yang baru merdeka, di samping pinjaman, bantuan dan perdagangan yang ditawarkan oleh EU, negara-negara Eropah timur ini mahukan keanggotaan tetap dalam EU. Republic Chezc, Hungary, dan Poland misalnya mengharmonikan ekonomi nasional mereka dengan EU dengan harapan dapat memasuki EU pada tahun 1999 (Ibid). Jelas, bahawa sektor ekonomi memainkan peranan penentu ke atas pentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negeri negara-negara Eropah Timur ini.

Di peringkat negara pula, China misalnya menunjukkan bagaimana sektor ekonomi memainkan peranan penting dalam pembentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negerinya. Walaupun mengalami ketidaktentuan keadaan ekonomi pada era 1980-an, namun tetap meningkatkan belanjawan pertahanannya sejak lewat tahun 1980-an. Pada tahun 1991, jumlahnya adalah sebanyak US$6.23 million, meningkat 12% dari tahun 1990. belanjawan ini meningkat lagi 13% pada tahun 1992, dan 13.5% lagi pada tahun 1994. Kementerian Pertahanan China dilaporkan membelanjakan sehingga US18.9 million antara tahun 1992-1993 (Heaton, Jr. 1999: 392). China juga memodenkan personel dan senjata ketenteraannya secara besar-besaran terutama dalam sistem pertahanan udara, tahan lama, keupayaan serangan nuklear, keupayaan pertahanan hadapan, dan memperbaiki sistem C3I (Ibid: 382). Oleh itu, pemimpin-peminpin China berhujah bahawa peningkatan dalam belanjawan pertahanan adalah perlu untuk membangunkan senjata sofistikated. Peningkatan ini juga membolehkan China menghindar pencerobohan luar (Ibid: 385). Walau bagaimanapun, pada tahun 1992, China diminta agar berubah dari konsep pertahanan yang menyempitkan kepada pertahanan ketenteraan kepada satu sistem pertahanan yang meliputi keseluruhan elemen ekonomi, politik dan sosial (Ibid).

Kepentingan ekonomi dalam aspek keselamatan dan ketenteraan juga dapat dilihat dari sudut kompleks industri-pertahanan (industrial defense complex). Konsep ini mengandaikan bahawa kompleks antara pertahanan nasional angkatan tentera, propaganda, perisikan, peperangan politik, industri utama dan organisasi khas teknologi telah menjadi outpout kepada sistem pertahanan nasional (Deutsch 1995: 108). Elemen-elemen yang berkaitan ini diandaikan menyumbang antara satu sama lain demi matlamat mempertahankan negara. Kompleks ini boleh dilihat dalam konteks luar negeri dan dalam negeri. Amerika Syarikat misalnya, akan melindungi kepentingan industrinya di luar negara sehingga ke tahap tertentu dengan memberi perhatian khusus kepada golongan berkepentingan ini dan AS mempunyai pengaruh politik yang secukupnya untuk memastikan perlindungan ini berterusan. Misalnya, Amerika Syarikat mempunyai beratus-ratus syarikat pelaburan luar negeri dalam industri minyak dengan aset dan pengawalan di negara asing. Begitu juga dengan aliran wang dan komodi, serta kawalan kredit di peringkat antarabangsa. Penglibatan AS dalam ekonomi luar negeri ini sebagai satu bentuk pertahanan ke atas kepentingan nasionalnya di luar negeri. Ia juga menentukan bagaimana dasar luar diformulakan sesuai dengan perlindungan ke atas kepentingan-kepentingan ini.

Bagi aspek domestik pula, analisis kompleks pertahanan ini dapat dilihat dari segi kaitan rapat antara sektor ekonomi dengan pembangunan ketenteraan. China adalah contoh paling tepat kerana pasukan tenteranya berminat membangunkan keseluruhan ekonomi negara pada era awal 1990-an. Kongres juga bersetuju bahawa tentera patut memenuhi keperluannya sendiri di bawah program pembinaan ekonomi nasional (Heaton, Jr. 1999: 393). Di bawah slogan “mempromosikan pengeluaran dan aktiviti ekonomi adalah keuntungan kepada negara, tentera dan juga rakyat”, PLA membangunkan perusahaan berorientasikan keuntungan meliputi 2,500 produk termasuk untuk pasaran luar negeri (Ibid). Bidang pengeluaran termasuk sains perubatan, elektronik, kejuruteraan biologi, telekomunikasi, bahan letupan, pembinaan dan industri makanan. Sementara itu, pemimpin tentera senior mahukan pengeluaran lebih dibuat dalam industri pertahanan berbanding barang-barang awam.

Signifikan dari industri ini ialah penjualan senjata secara meluas di luar negeri. Pasaran luar negeri yang paling penting bagi China ialah Timur Tengah iaitu Iran dan Iraq sekitar konflik kedua-dua negara pada tahun-tahun 1980-an. Stockholm International Peace Reseach Institute, China berada pada ranking ke-4 sebagai pengeksport senjata selepas Amerika Syarikat, USSR dan Germany (Ibid: 394). Walaupun terdapat penurunan eksport oleh AS dan USSR tetapi eksport China masih menunjukkan peningkatan sehingga menimbulkan perhatian terhadap penyebaran senjata antarabangsa. Beijing juga membantu menyediakan program teknologi nuklear di Iran, Pakistan dan Algeria (Ibid), menjual peluru berpandu dan komponennya kepada Arab Saudi, Pakistan, Iran dan Syria. Walau bagaimanapun, China dijangkakan akan menukar strategi menukar penjualan senjata bersistem penuh kepada penjualan teknologi senjata khusus dan bantuan teknikal kerana mendapat tentangan dari AS dan negara-negara barat akan penyebaran senjatanya yang meluas. Strategi baru ini juga akan meningkatkan keuntungan pertukaran wang asingnya (Ibid). Jelas bahawa sektor ekonomi memainkan peranan yang penting dalam pembentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negeri sesetengah negara.

PERANAN SEKTOR EKONOMI KE ATAS BIDANG SOSIAL

Sektor ekonomi juga memainkan peranan utama ke atas bidang sosial sesebuah negara seterusnya menyumbang kepada pembentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar negeri negara tersebut. Sektor ekonomi sebenarnya berkaitan secara langsung dengan keselamatan dan kestabilan dalaman sesebuah negara serta mencerminkan sikap dan tingkahlaku dasar luar yang jelas demi dasar pertahanan keseluruhannya. Sektor ekonomi ini mesti berganding bahu dengan sektor keselamatan demi menjamin kelangsungan keselamatan dan keselamatan sesebuah negara.

Kerajaan mesti memainkan peranan penting menyediakan rakyatnya dengan perkhidamatan sosial yang mencukupi dan mempastikan pertumbuhan ekonomi negara terus kukuh dan cekap. Prinsip ini secara umumnya menaiktaraf atau mengekalkan kebajikan pihak awam (Holsti 1995:97). Konsep kerajaan melindungi kebajikan sosial dan menyediakan peluang ekonomi yang secukupnya kepada rakyat ini boleh dibincangkan dalam konteks negara berkebajikan (welfare state). Asasnya welfare state mesti membantu rakyatnya apa yang tidak mampu disediakan oleh mereka. Negara mempunyai tanggungjawab langsung untuk memaksimumkan pertumbuhan ekonomi, meminimumkan pengangguran dan menyediakan pelbagai pekhidmatan yang akan meningkatkan kualaiti kehidupan, ekonomi, dan peluang yang sama rata kepada semua rakyat (Ibid). Kepada sosialis, welfare state ini bermakna tiada rakyat yang menderita ketidakselamatan ekonomi, manakala kepada demokrasi liberal bermakna kerajaan yang dipilih oleh rakyat bertanggungjawab menguruskan dan memperkuatkan ekonomi nasional (Ibid: 98). Terma ”kebajikan” atau welfare selalunya dikenalpasti dengan pelbagai indikator pertumbuhan ekonomi, misalnya ”pembangunan berterusan” (sustainable development). Kepada negara, untuk meningkatkan kekayaan dan kecekapan ekonomi, sesebuah negara itu mesti mengadakan hubungan perdagangan (Ibid). Keadaan ini menunjukkan hubungan yang jelas antara sektor ekonomi dengan sektor keselamatan dan hubungan luar oleh sesebuah negara.

Kerangka di atas paling sesuai diaplikasi ke atas negara Jepun. Selepas perjanjian dengan AS pada tahun 1951, ia mengalami pertumbuhan ekonomi yang mendadak. Daripada tahun 1954 hingga 1972, ekonomi Jepun berkembang dengan begitu pesat. Berasaskan kepada asas industri sebelum perangnya, Jepun menjadi pengeluar paling cekap dalam segala jenis produk daripada industri besi dan keluui, kimia, produk automotif, dan barangan pengguna. Berbanding dengan membangunkan teknologi baru, asas kemajuan ekonomi Jepun adalah kerana gunapakai dan pembaikan teknologi produk asing dan meletakkan pembangunan ekonomi sebagai keutamaan pembangunan nasional. Pada tahun 1977, Kadar Pertumbuhan Negara (GDP) Jepun menjadi yang kedua terbesar di dunia, serentak dengan peningkatan taraf hidup semua peringkat rakyat Jepun. Pada waktu-waktu inilah, konsep Negara Berkebajikan (Welfare State) diperkukuhkan di Jepun (www.jussemper.org). Kejayaan Jepun ini adalah berdasarkan penglibatannya ke dalam sistem ekonomi selepas perang Pax-Amerikana, mengimport bahan mentah dan mengekport produk perkilangan. Kejayaan ini juga dipengaruhi oleh hubungan industri antara ahli perniagaan dengan pekerja serta keaslian budaya Jepun. Peranan budaya ini menjadi peranan penyumbang yang penting ke arah keharmonian antara peniagaan dan pekerja dan menghasilkan kenaikan yang mengagumkan dalam taraf hidup purata isi rumah Jepun (Ibid). Keterangan ini jelas menunjukkan sektor ekonomi memainkan peranan penting dalam menyediakan satu asas pertahanan pertahanan dalaman dan corak dasar luar yang berasaskan perdagangan oleh negara Jepun.

Di peringkat antarabangsa dan serantau, pada era-era awal Perang Dingin, Jepun bergantung kepada AS untuk pemulihan ekonomi dan keselamatan ketenteraannya (Miyashita 2001:1). Beberapa pendirian dasar luar kemudiannya meletakkan Jepun di posisi yang baik di arena antarabangsa selari dengan perhatiannya kepada negara-negara Asia yang sebelum ini kunci dasar luarnya ialah hubungannya dengan AS. Sejak akhir 1980-an, Jepun mula membebaskan ikatan dasar luarnya dengan AS dengan memainkan peranan yang lebih besar dan penting di arena antarabangsa sebagai Welfare State seperti negara pembekal kredit terbesar di dunia. Sejak itu, Jepun memainkan peranan lebih penting sebagai dalam Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), Asian Development Bank (ADB) dan Asian Industrial Development Plan (AID) (Ibid:4). Di pentas antarabangsa, Jepun menaburkan khidmat ekonomi dan sosial di dalam kerangka Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) sebagai orientasi dasar luarnya sejak lewat 1950-an. Sejak itu, Jepun aktif dalam agensi PBB melibatkan pembangunan ekonomi, sosial dan kebudayaan. Sejak tahun 1970, sesuai dengan status economic superpower, Jepun diharap dapat memainkan peranan lebih besar di dalam PBB. Pada tahun 1990, Jepun menjadi penyumbang terbesar kepada belanjawan PBB iaitu 11% di belakang AS yang menyumbang sebanyak 25% (www.en.wikipedia.org). Bermula pada tahun 1989, Jepun aktif di dalam aktiviti pengamanan di Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq dan Namibia. Jelas, kekuatan ekonomi Jepun telah menentukan dasar luar negerinya sejak 1950-an.

Kekuatan ekonomi sesebuah negara bukan sahaja dapat mempastikan rakyatnya menikmati keadaan ekonomi yang baik tetapi juga membolehkan mereka menikmati taraf hidup yang lebih baik. Di negara berkebajikan seperti Jepun, sesetengah perkhidmatan dapat dinikmati dalam jumlah yang umum apabila ia disediakan oleh kerajaan seperti sistem lebuhraya, bekalan air bersih, perkhidmatan pertahanan dan keselamatan, tahap kesihatan yang bagus dan pertahanan nasional (www.mpi_fg_koeln.mpg.de/pu/wokpap/wp00_7.html.).

PERANAN SEKTOR EKONOMI KE ATAS SEKTOR POLITIK

Sektor ekonomi boleh digunakan sebagai kuasa untuk mencapai matlamat politik nasional, begitu juga sektor politik boleh digunakan untuk mencapai matlamat ekonomi nasional. Orientasi ini yang dipanggil ”economic statecraft” masih menjadi salah satu pendekatan asas negara di peringkat politik ekonomi antarabangsa kini. Negara memakai pendekatan ini kerana kebertanggungjawabannya terhadap kelangsungan ekonominya sendiri. Walaupun mempunyai peluang mendapatkan bantuan ekonomi luar dari aktor negara dan kerajaan antarabangsa (IGO), namun tiada jaminan akan kelangsungan hidup sesebuah negara. Oleh itu, seperti keselamatan ketenteraan, keselamatan ekonomi lebih kepada asas kendiri (self help).

Para nasionalis ekonomi mempercayai bahawa kuasa politik, ketenteraan dan ekonomi adalah saling berkait. Oleh itu, para nasionalis ini menganjurkan agar digunapakai semua aspek dasar ekonomi kerajaan, termasuk hubungan ekonomi luarnya untuk mengembangkan kekuasaan sesebuah negara. Pandangan ini mengandaikan pergerakan barangan, perkhidmatan, pelaburan dan lain-lain bentuk pertukaran ekonomi ke dalam dan keluar dari negara patut dimanipulasi ke arah kepentingan kuasa sesebuah negara berasaskan halangan dan sokongan domestik (Rouke & Boyer 2005:323).

Sesebuah negara boleh menghalangi perdagangan dengan banyak cara, salah satunya ialah tariffs. Negara mengenakan tariff yang tinggi untuk melindungi industri dalamannya, terutama industri kecil dari dikuasai oleh syarikat-syarikat asing. Tariff juga digunakan sebagai cegah rintang, misalnya pada tahun 2003, AS telah menekan kadar tukaran mata wang China, yuan, supaya lebih stabil dengan US Dollar. Kongres AS telah mengenakan levy sebanyak 27.5% tariff import dari China sehingga nilai matawang yuan diturunkan. Bejing dilabel sebagai ”diktator komunis yang memanipulasi dan menipu serta tidak tidak mengikut peraturan antarabangsa” (Ibid: 324).

Halangan bukan tariff pula adalah cara yang biasa dan penting mengehadkan perdagangan. Kebanyakan peraturan halangan bukan tariff bermunasabah ke atas kesihatan, keselamatan dan lain-lain. Antaranya ialah sekatan politik (political sanctions) ke atas aktiviti import dan eksport sesebuah negara. Contohnya ialah sekatan ke atas pengimportan minyak Iraq antara tahun 1990 dan 2003. Ke peringkat ekstrem, trade embargoes berupa halangan langsung boleh dikenakan seperti yang dikenakan oleh AS ke atas barangan dari Cuba. Bentuk halangan bukan tariff lain ialah kuota (quotas). Kuota menghadkan jumlah yang boleh didagangkan ke dalam sesebuah negara. Jepun misalnya telah memberi reaksi kepada kuota kemasukan kereta Jepun ke dalam AS dengan membina kilang auto di dalam AS sendiri. AS pada tahun 2003 misalnya telah mengenakan kuota terhadap import barangan pakaian dari China untuk melindungi industri tekstil dalamannya (Ibid). Halangan teknikal (technical restrictions) juga salah satu bentuk halangan bukan tariff. Ia dikenakan jika barangan teknikal yang dibawa masuk ke dalam sesebuah negara tidak menepati piawaian mutu negara tersebut, AS misalnya menyekat kemasukan trucks dari Mexio kerana sebaba ini. EU juga menyekat kemasukan daging lembu Amerika kerana kandungan hormon buatan yang dicampurkan ke dalam makanan ternakan tersebut ( Ibid).

Sesebuah negara mempunyai pelbagai alat ekonomi seperti insentif ekonomi dan sekatan ekonomi.

Negara biasanya menawarkan insentif ekonomi untuk menggalakkan negara lain bertingkahlaku seperti yang dikehendakinya. Insentif termasuk bantuan luar, pemberian pinjaman atau hutang, jaminan pinjaman, pengurangan tariff dan lain-lain halnagan perdagangan, melesenkan teknologi yang sensitif dan pelbagai teknik lagi. Tidak semua insentif ini berjaya namun kadangkala ia berkesan. Contohnya, selepas peperangan di Iraq pada tahun 2003, pentadbiran Bush telah menghantar setiausaha negara James Baker ke seluruh dunia, berkempen membebaskan Iraq dari hutang luarnya sebanyak US$120 billion semasa era Saddam Hussin. Sebelum itu, Bush telah melakukan sekatan terhadap negara yang tidak menyokong peperangan tersebut, namun kempen Baker meredakan keadaan tersebut dan menerima respon yang baik dari Perancis, German dan Russia (Ibid).

Sekatan ekonomi biasanya dilakukan oleh negara-negara dan sekutunya yang mempunyai kekuasaan ekonomi. Negara-negara ini akan mengambil tindakan ini jika terdapat ”jangkaan akan kerapnya berlaku konflik dengan target” (Ibid:325). Kaedah-kaedah yang digunakan termasuk meningkatkan halangan perdagangan, menyekat bantuan, cubaan merendahkan nilai matawang negara lain, sehingga sekatan terhadap institusi tertentu. Contoh sekatan ekonomi yang pernah dikenakan ialah oleh Kesatuan Eropah terhadap Serbia pada tahun 1991 selepas serangan agresif Serbia ke atas Bosnia Herzegovina. Sekatan yang berterusan ini ke atas Serbia telah menjadi punca kepada kejatuhan Presiden Slobodan Milosevic pada Oktober 2000 (Ibid:326). Ia melambangkan dasar luar EU yang jelas dan telus terhadap Serbia.

Jelas sekali bahawa sektor ekonomi memainkan peranan yang sangat penting dalam menentukan orientasi politik sama ada di peringkat dalaman atau luaran sesebuah negara demi menjamin kelangsungan keselamatan negara tersebut secara keseluruhannya. Ia juga melambangkan aspirasi matlamat nasional yang tertentu dan bentuk hubungan dasar luar yang khusus.

KESIMPULAN

Sektor ekonomi dalam kertas ini dibincangkan sebagai mempunyai peranan yang paling penting atau paling atas di atas hierarki kepentingan pertimbangan pertahanan dan dasar luar sesebuah negara. Peranannya yang horizontal dan vertikal dalam bidang keselamatan dan pertahanan, sosial dan kebajikan, serta keutamaannya sebagai alat politik telah menjadikan ekonomi sebagai faktor yang menentukan pembentukan dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar sesebuah negara secara keseluruhan. Tiada negara di dunia yang boleh memisahkan kepentingan sektor ekonomi dari bidang pertahanan, sosial dan politik. Memisahkan ekonomi atau kegagalan sektor ekonomi ke dalam kepentingan keselamatan, sosial dan politik akan menjadikan sesebuah negara itu tidak stabil, selamat dan meneruskan kelangsungan hidupnya seperti yang berlaku kepada kebanyakan failed states di benua Afrika. Pengurusan yang cekap ke atas sektor ekonomi dan menggabungkannya ke dalam elemen sosial, keselamatan dan politik akan memberi jalan ke arah kemakmuran sesebuah negara, misalnya kejayaan oleh kebanyakan negara Asia Tenggara sebelum era kejatuhan ekonomi 1997 sehingga digelar “ Harimau Ekonomi”. Kemakmuran ini akan memberi faedah ke atas belanjawan keselamatan, peningkatan taraf dan kualiti hidup rakyat serta kestabilan politik dalaman. Perdagangan luar juga memainkan peranan penting membawa kekayaan ke dalam negara dan menjadi teras hubungan yang kukuh di peringkat luar negara. Secara umumnya, ia menggambar satu orientasi dasar pertahanan dan dasar luar yang menyeluruh.

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